The tone in parliament has recently shifted from political discourse to verbal aggression. Communication among members of parliament has reached a new low, with significant deterioration over the past few months.
‘The minister doesn’t pay attention to anyone and is hated by both the government and the people alike. I wouldn’t be surprised if he ends up assassinated like his grandfather,’ declared Abdel Fattah Omar, the parliament’s national security undersecretary, who ironically represents a faction aligned with the government.
On 9 February, Omar “opened fire” on Finance Minister Youssef Boutros Ghali during a parliamentary session, criticising controversial economic policies. The use of the word “assassination” shocked many MPs, including Hamdi El Sayed, head of parliament’s health committee, who ordered that the term be struck from the session’s minutes.
This was neither the first nor the last attack on Ghali, who has faced persistent criticism not only from ordinary Egyptians but also from fellow officials.
To understand why, it is essential to examine the controversies surrounding his policies, which have stirred considerable debate in Egypt’s political arena.
Al Badry Farghaly, president of the Pensions Federation, accused Ghali of being an ‘enemy of the poor,’ asserting that the hardships faced by many are a direct result of his policies, according to Al-Dostor.
Farghaly is actively lobbying the government to overturn a new pension law, which reduces the income of new retirees by 50%. These individuals had contributed monthly throughout their working lives under the terms of the old law.
Another contentious issue was the minister’s medical treatment trips, which sparked heated discussions in parliament. Muslim Brotherhood MP Hamdy Hassan called on Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif to disclose the costs of Ghali’s repeated trips to the US for medical care.
Hassan complained: ‘At a time when people are suffering from taxes imposed by the minister, he goes for treatment in the US, while thousands of Egyptians cannot access even the most basic healthcare,’ according to Al-Mesryoon.
Such accusations are expected from opposition MPs—it is, after all, their role to hold the government to account. However, when exaggerated verbal attacks come from “government allies,” they raise significant questions.
This time, several MPs from the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) adopted an uncharacteristically combative tone, directing their criticism at the government—which, ironically, they represent.
NDP MP Ahmed Abu Heggy angrily remarked: ‘Egypt is living through a great disaster, managed by a gang of thieves who sold the country for cheap,’ according to Al-Shorouk.
This striking escalation occurred during a session requested by NDP MPs to urgently discuss the layoffs of 1,700 workers at Amnesto, a textile company. Many of these workers, along with their families, were staging a long-running sit-in near the parliament building.
However, the criticisms were not limited to the opposition. The session saw a comprehensive attack on five ministers, including Ghali. All were later summoned by their NDP colleagues to attend a follow-up session, as they were absent during this heated exchange.
At the heart of the uproar was the new real estate tax, crafted by Ghali as part of the government’s strategy to boost revenues following heavy domestic borrowing. The tax, passed by parliament, faced widespread opposition from a diverse cross-section of society, including government officials.
Even President Hosni Mubarak intervened, suspending the tax and sending it for revision after it threatened to incite further unrest amid a rising wave of protests and strikes that have become commonplace in Egypt.
During a popular TV programme, 10pm, Cairo University law professor Ibrahim Darwish declared: ‘The new real estate law is unconstitutional.’ He explained: ‘It is wrong to impose a tax on a private house, as its market value depreciates over time.’
The media’s amplification of public concerns over the tax heightened tensions. Wael Al Ebrashy, editor-in-chief of Sawt Al Ommah, went so far as to urge citizens not to submit their real estate tax declarations.
Following this public rejection, Al Ebrashy was briefly arrested after Ghali filed a report accusing him of inciting people to break the law. He was released shortly thereafter.
The public anger surrounding Ghali’s policies over the past month makes it clear why many Egyptians are increasingly taking to the streets to voice their frustration as their incomes dwindle under the weight of new taxes and austerity measures.
And one can understand why officials like Abdel Fattah Omar, the parliament’s national security undersecretary, would feel frustrated, as they are the ones who have to face protesters in the streets as part of the interior forces.
The pressure on such forces, exacerbated by both local and international media, has grown overwhelming. It likely contributed to Omar losing his temper and making the shocking and disrespectful forecast of Ghali’s assassination, leaving all attendees stunned.
But does this situation reflect political chaos or a calculated political game? Perhaps it is both.
It is striking that Ghali has been left to fight this battle alone, despite the longstanding favour he and his family have enjoyed from successive governments, including the current one. The Ghalis are among the very few aristocratic families who retained political influence during both the royal and republican eras of Egypt.
Ghali’s grandfather, Boutros Ghali Pasha, was Egypt’s prime minister and was assassinated in 1910 amid accusations of sympathising with the British colonial occupiers. Other family members have also held influential political roles, and Youssef Boutros Ghali himself is considered the architect of Egypt’s recent economic reforms and financial development.
Economically speaking, Ghali’s strategies align with how governments typically respond to recessions or crises. According to Keynesian economic theory, which is widely regarded as a blueprint for crisis management, governments should increase spending while simultaneously raising taxes or introducing new ones to generate higher revenues.
In this sense, Ghali could be seen as a model student of the Keynesian school. So, what has gone wrong? The answer lies in both analogy and accusation.
The analogy portrays Ghali as akin to a company accountant, dealing with both external and internal pressures. Externally, an accountant chases clients for payments, striving to meet the company’s financial targets—or even exceed them. This role is critical but inherently difficult, and Ghali’s actions reflect the same dynamic at a national level.
Clients wealthy enough to pay the required amounts on time are unlikely to harbour resentment. However, those who cannot will dislike the accountant, as his responsibility to secure the company’s revenues may compel him to act ruthlessly.
Internally, the accountant embodies financial bureaucracy, ensuring the system remains balanced, fully adhered to, and operational. This can lead to undesirable rigidity or conflicts with other departments.
Employees who interact with clients in non-financial capacities may face criticism of the company, stemming from the accountant’s uncompromising behaviour. This, in turn, can create further internal clashes.
Yet, the company’s head is typically satisfied with the accountant, as he ensures regular revenues and maintains the financial system in good order.
In this analogy, Ghali, as finance minister, is the company’s accountant, enduring criticism from both external sources (the public) and internal ones (fellow officials). Meanwhile, his “boss”—whether the Prime Minister or President—remains content as Ghali delivers on his tasks.
On the other hand, Ghali’s aristocratic lineage, his family’s long history of power, and his elite lifestyle suggest he may not fully grasp the realities of life for the average Egyptian. This is especially true when the average citizen relies on the metro to get to work and can only afford meat once a month.
Although Ghali’s financial strategy is economically sound and rational, his sensitivity to the nuanced struggles of everyday Egyptians appears questionable. This disconnect forms the core accusation against him amidst the political absurdity he currently faces.
Another version of this article is published by Business Today magazine.