‘He has decided to burn the country—it is truly a street war.’ This was the sentiment shared by a businessman unaffiliated with the regime on Tuesday, following the violent clashes that erupted between protesters in Tahrir Square and thugs loyal to the Egyptian government. Disguised police officers, poorly concealed in civilian clothing, joined the fray in a botched attempt to intimidate. The peaceful demonstrations—comprising over eight million Egyptians, largely young and civically conscious—had captured the world’s attention with their discipline and restraint. Yet, after Hosni Mubarak delivered a condescendingly sentimental speech, the response was calculated violence unleashed by undercover security forces, regime thugs, and terrified businessmen desperate to preserve the status quo.
The assault on protesters involved swords, chains, Molotov cocktails, and tear gas—clear evidence of Mubarak’s complicity in a massacre against his own people. In this tragic theatre of horrors, some of these thugs failed to remove their police identification cards, exposing their true identities when captured by protesters. The details of these atrocities filled the media space in every language, for all to see—or for those who refused to see.
Reactions from various segments of society—whether civilians, police, thugs, military, or even the political elite, both opposition and loyalists—have prompted questions about their consistency or contradictions. Add to this the responses of Western governments, whose self-serving support for Arab dictatorships continues to reveal its duplicity.
The Police
The police, ostensibly tasked with protecting citizens, instead brutalised them in Tahrir Square, Alexandria, and Suez. Their desperate loyalty to Mubarak’s regime likely stems from fears about their future under a democratic government that would have no need for their ‘services.’ A grim reality looms: how would any new government deal with a police force of 1.2 million—three times the size of the Egyptian military—most of whom have indulged in sadistic practices, both physical and psychological? What prisons could hold them? How could they be reintegrated into a society they have terrorised for decades? These questions underscore the demonic behaviour displayed not just in recent days, but over the entire duration of Mubarak’s rule.
The Thugs
No society is free from the existence of an exploited underclass, often used by leaders to serve their agendas. Mubarak’s police successfully mobilised this group in their battle for survival.
But with the regime’s fall seeming inevitable, these thugs must now ask themselves: who will pay them another 500 pounds to terrorise and rob citizens? And how will they protect themselves from the wrath of those they have attacked with swords and Molotovs? It would be wise for them to start planning their next moves.
The Opposition Leaders
This revolution was undoubtedly born from the youth of a society that has known no other leader but Mubarak in their lifetime. Educated and ambitious, these young people have transcended the intellectual stagnation fostered by Egypt’s oppressive system. However, the contrast between these inspiring youths and the traditional opposition figures is stark. While some opposition leaders deserve respect for their historical struggles, their outdated agendas and opportunistic media appearances betray their irrelevance.
Unable to match the ambition and innovative tactics of the youth—whether online or on the ground—they rushed to align themselves with the revolution, often from the safety of nearby sidelines. On television, they posed as weary warriors of the day’s battles, even as they returned home to warm meals, leaving the true revolutionaries to face the regime’s wrath. This opportunism is a recurring pattern in revolutions throughout history.
The Half-Educated
Mubarak’s sentimental Monday night speech did little but fuel the anger of those occupying Tahrir Square. His patronising tone and archaic language, reminiscent of a 1950s military dictatorship, insulted the intelligence of a population demanding freedom and democracy. His claims were riddled with lies, including the audacious assertion that he never sought power during his three decades of rule.
Some, however, were swayed by his emotional plea, naively calling for an end to the protests ‘to save the country.’ These half-educated individuals failed to grasp the obvious: Mubarak’s promises were hollow, his words a prelude to a final crackdown on those who had humiliated him on the world stage. Do they really believe they will be safe from his vengeance?
Western Governments
From the USA to the European Union, the hypocrisy of Western support for human rights is glaring. The values they preach appear reserved for their own citizens, denied to others.
The United States, Israel’s unwavering ally and the chief financier of Mubarak’s oppressive regime, finds itself morally exposed. On one hand, it risks being seen as complicit in tyranny; on the other, it faces losing a key strategic ally in the region.
Meanwhile, the European Union, whose colonial history in the Arab world spanned over a century, has replaced overt occupation with exploitative partnerships. These agreements allow European nations to siphon resources and labour from countries like Egypt, as though rewarding themselves for past imperial conquests.
Caught off-guard by the rapid pace of the revolution, these Western governments have floundered, issuing vague and belated calls for democracy while sidestepping outright condemnation of Mubarak’s actions. Their hesitation reveals a desperate attempt to maintain influence in a region slipping from their grasp.
The Egyptian Army
The military stands between a delegitimised regime and a revolution that has claimed the streets. While appearing neutral, the army’s role has been fraught with suspicion. The police’s sudden withdrawal, followed by the emergence of regime thugs, suggests a calculated ploy to destabilise the uprising.
For those pinning their hopes on the army to support the revolution, the reality is more complex.
Many of the military’s senior leaders have benefited handsomely from Mubarak’s rule, receiving generous allowances and post-retirement positions in lucrative sectors. Why would they jeopardise such privileges for an abstract concept like ‘the people’?
Mubarak himself seems deaf to reason, stubbornly clinging to power as his country burns—a modern-day Nero punishing his people by setting Rome alight. Will anyone in the international community step forward to push him out before Cairo meets the same fate?
This article is originally published by AlBorsa in Arabic and later AI-translated by South Push.