Let us assume that the Egyptian army had chosen not to attack the protesters in Tahrir Square during the first 18 days of the revolution, up until Mubarak’s fall—a theoretical challenge by all measures for several reasons. These include the nature of its relationship with the state, as the military and the regime had always been in harmony and alignment under the president’s leadership since the July Revolution. Additionally, there were administrative challenges, as the Egyptian armed forces had neither the prior experience nor the intention to involve themselves in the complexities of managing civilian affairs.
Recently, the army has already made some administrative missteps in civil matters, alongside a relative lack of expertise in political manoeuvring—something that, in any case, was never required of it. The mission of armies in mature or aspiring nations is confined to the direct and self-evident task of safeguarding their homeland’s security. In this context, no one can deny the civilian society and its political representatives the right to object and criticise, especially since the popular revolution erupted for the most basic democratic rights that had long been denied. The army must recognise this and expand its understanding to deal with this situation, which may indeed be complex for those in military uniforms.
No reasonable person can deny the revolutionaries the right to object to the noticeable delay in prosecuting the former president and his close circle of corrupt associates. Nor can they deny them their right to take to the streets—politically theirs—to peacefully express their views on the direction of their revolution and to exert pressure for the fulfilment of all demands without distortion, modification, or delay. Moreover, they have every right to return home safely, free of baton marks or other injuries, as many photos and videos have shown.
However, those making demands must, at the same time, clearly understand the vast difference between legitimate pressure and reckless confrontation. They must exercise extreme caution to avoid falling into a meticulously planned conspiracy by remnants of the former regime—commonly referred to as the forces of counter-revolution. Ongoing analyses and observations of Saturday morning’s events continue to confirm the involvement of the National Democratic Party, its businessmen, and its hired thugs.
The success of these corrupt forces in driving a wedge between the revolution’s people and the army, pushing them into a futile confrontation, would be nothing short of political suicide. This would bring both to ruin, leaving the forces of counter-revolution to rise over their corpses.
Yes, the army has made errors in its vision regarding certain matters and has crossed some red lines in civil rights. But who said that our soldiers are angels sent from heaven to protect absolute righteousness? They are human—prone to both success and error. Yet, they must act swiftly to correct their mistakes, block the path of the remnants of the fallen regime, its leaders, and its protectors by expediting their trials and subjecting them to the constitution and the law like all citizens, within a specified timeframe. At the same time, they must continue to guarantee the people’s right to peaceful protest until the revolution’s demands are fully and precisely met.
This article is originally published by AlBorsa in Arabic and later AI-translated by South Push.