Since last Saturday evening, Egypt has faced its biggest challenge since the revolution, which hadn’t even celebrated its 100-day mark. Then came the Imbaba sectarian strife—lives were lost, others were injured, and the most devastating loss was undoubtedly the hostile image that sharply contradicted the harmony we witnessed between Muslims and Christians in Tahrir Square.
Counter-revolution, enemies of the revolution, remnants of the regime, thugs—these are ready-made terms as if all participants were born on Mars, not Egyptians. Meanwhile, the ‘real’ Egyptians, whether Muslims or Christians, are portrayed as angels descended to Earth to set examples of virtue. As for this gang of Martians, they must be dealt with ruthlessly, their hands struck—or perhaps their necks.
This situation has prompted some of the loud voices on TV screens to nostalgically mourn the defunct State Security apparatus and its ‘miraculous’ ability to predict and prevent catastrophes. One even wailed, ‘I fear a Tahrir Square protest will bring Mubarak and his security apparatus back!’ He pleaded, even begged, for the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to impose martial law to protect citizens’ lives, which he described as being under constant threat, and to safeguard an economy on the brink of collapse. This reflects a superficial perspective, ignoring the historical evidence that military rule over civilians only succeeds through oppression—an unsustainable approach. Economically, he seems to have forgotten that a martial law state is the last place on earth any foreign investor would choose to stay.
The recurring sectarian tragedies we witness today stem from simplistic ‘courtyard reconciliations’ between religious leaders from both sides. They deliver anesthetizing speeches to the public over tea at the crime scene, sharing jokes and laughs, ending the performance with a symbolic patriotic hug that brings tears to mothers waiting to watch their favourite Turkish soap opera.
Such tragedies will not cease, not even with a thousand proclamations of martial law or any return of the State Security apparatus—which, in any case, has never truly disappeared, as some would like to believe. The solution lies solely in justice and the authority of law applied equally to all. No one should be able to spread a false rumour and incite the burning of a church, nor should anyone claim, ‘My place of worship is beyond the law, and the state has no authority over it.’ Such claims only spiral matters from bad to worse, igniting the ignorance-prone minds that abound, turning whispers of discord into acts of destruction.
Ladies and gentlemen, the return of oppression is not a solution that any rational or enlightened mind would accept—nor would any young person, Muslim or Christian, who gave their life to end this oppression, and succeeded in doing so. The solution lies in swiftly resorting to the rule of law, thoroughly reforming and rebuilding trust in the police force, and correcting the distortions inflicted by previous regimes with the strict hammer of justice. It also requires confronting crises with logic and reason rather than burying them alive under the ashes of strife. This must happen before Egypt, with its example, lets down the rest of the Arab revolutions that drew inspiration from it—and before the gloaters, of whom there are many, find cause to rejoice.
This article is originally published by AlBorsa in Arabic and later AI-translated by South Push.