In the complete absence of the military and police from Tahrir Square, and regardless of the intentions of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) and the Sharaf government, the spirit of Tahrir Square has returned with its ideals, which continue to astonish theorists of revolution and its stages of development. On 25 January, Egyptians presented a Platonic model of virtue that exists only in utopian cities, those confined to the pages of philosophical fantasy. The ‘Second Day of Rage’ confirmed that these human ideals, born of the revolution, are still alive despite the meddling and greed of opportunists.
Hundreds of thousands poured into Tahrir Square, creating a scene of unparalleled magnificence. Official security, both military and police, was absent. Fearmongering abounded, with opponents of this revolutionary celebration alternately attacking its patriotism, sowing terror, or reviving the term ‘hidden factions’.
This was not a purely secular demonstration, as claimed by Islamists, nor was it a coup against what they referred to as democracy—merely a clinging to political gains that fell into their laps due to the vacuum left by a nascent regime, if it can even be called a regime. It was a distinctly Egyptian celebration, encompassing a diverse spectrum of political ideologies—leftist, liberal, and even Islamist—making it a truly national carnival. Its sole purpose was love for Egypt and fear for the revolution’s freedom from the corruption of vested interests.
From a panoramic view of Tahrir Square that Friday, one might be struck by the social diversity that had come back to life: bearded men alongside those with long hair; veiled, niqab-clad, and unveiled women; Friday prayers followed by Christian hymns; and individuals who belonged to neither group, all united in singing ‘Bilady, Bilady’ in its original, heartfelt Darwish lyrics.
This Friday was not a second revolution in practical terms, as many called it, but by all measures, it successfully delivered short, powerful messages to several key parties.
The first message was to the SCAF: confronting us would be foolish. While we are grateful for your support during the revolution’s infancy, we are not beholden to a favour that is, in essence, a self-evident national duty. It should not bar us from our right to participate transparently and democratically in building the foundations of our new state.
The second message was to Sharaf and his government: the public still trusts your intentions and your loyalty to the revolutionaries who carried you on their shoulders, as you must surely remember. However, this does not shield you from their sharp and rightful criticism. Many of your policies and achievements have yet to meet even the bare minimum expected from a government lacking unity of purpose and transparency.
The third message was to the Muslim Brotherhood: you have erred against your long history of struggle, perhaps even disturbing Hassan al-Banna in his grave. You have embraced political games taught to you by none other than your former adversary, the National Democratic Party. What you did in the week preceding this Friday was nothing more than a replication of the same scare tactics, misinformation, and media manipulation that we had grown weary of in the past—all in the name of preserving political gains. However, your inexperience as newcomers to this realm cost you dearly after that Friday. This was not your first mistake since the revolution. When will you learn? When will you understand that the other side is not against you but rather against monopolistic power and political opportunism?
A final message to all those exhausted by worry over the revolution’s future: calm your fears. Time does not turn back. Those who made this revolution have proven they can protect it. They have shown that the ideals of Tahrir Square remain alive and that the revolution will achieve its goals, whether others approve or not. It is only a matter of time, long or short, as the search for a common national ground continues. That bearded young man and his secular-looking friend, who together carried a rubbish bag to keep the square clean that Friday, are capable of forcing the old hands of politics to learn from them. It need not be by carrying the same rubbish bag themselves, but rather by showing a spark of greater creativity.
This article is originally published by AlBorsa in Arabic and later AI-translated by South Push.